Antioch's First Encounter with Latin Missionaries: The Response of Anastasius ibn Mujalla
Tuesday, May 26, 2026
Antioch's First Encounter with Latin Missionaries: The Response of Anastasius ibn Mujalla
Friday, May 15, 2026
Germanos Farhat on Euthymius Sayfi
One of the most remarkable Arab Christian men of letters of the 18th century was the Maronite bishop of Aleppo Germanos (before his consecration, Gabriel) Farhat (d. 1732). Author of an extremely popular collection of poetry, he also wrote a number of works on grammar, rhetoric and theology and closely collaborated with the Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch Athanasius Dabbas in his translation and publishing activities to improve their level of literary Arabic. One of his most unusual books, however, is the Register of Heresies (Dīwān al-Bidaʿ), a list of every heretic he knew of, organized by century. Strongly influenced by Counterreformation heresiography, the cast of characters is remarkably wide: not only Arius, Macedonius and Sebellius, Nestorius and Dioscorus, but also Luther, Melanchthon, Henry VIII and Elizabeth I. Even Raymond Llull (today considered a 'blessed' by Rome) makes an appearance. Unsurprisingly, there are quite a few Orthodox and Byzantine figures. St Mark of Ephesus, Hesychasm, and St Gregory Palamas all receive detailed treatments, but so does Barlaam of Calabria. The most historically valuable information, however, is found in the entries for three of Germanos' contemporaries: the metropolitan of Sidon and father of the Melkite Catholic Church Euthymius Sayfi, Patriarch Athanasius Dabbas, and the Patriarch of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras.
Below is a translation of the entry for Euthymius Sayfi, made from ms Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale 32, ff. 197r-200v.
The origins of this Euthymius are in Baalbek. He was raised in Damascus in the Roman faith with the Jesuits. His name was Michael, then he was ordained bishop for the city of Sidon and took the name Euthymius. He was of upright faith and zealous to spread the Roman faith among the sect [milla] of the schismatic Rum, especially among his flock, and he returned many to knowledge of the Roman faith. He had an eloquent tongue, was much-read, and had studied histories, however he was impudent and had a boldness that outran his tongue, because it was his nature to be very proud and to seek advancement and praise, to be hypocritical in front of people, and to be famous. Such a one as this will not escape blame and reproach. For this reason, he was embroiled in many conflicts, both within his own denomination and outside it, and he came to be hated by everyone, especially since he wanted to win over the schismatic Rum of his denomination and bring them to the Roman faith by means that are not permitted, with which the holy Roman Church would not be pleased. That is, he started to change the customs, rituals and rites of the Rum in a manner that he was not legally allowed to do.
First of all, he permitted the Rum to eat fish during fasts when the eating of fish is not permitted. Second, he allowed the monks of the Rum to eat meat, something that is forbidden to Eastern monks as a mortal sin. Third, he toyed with the abstinences—that is, he shortened the abstinence of the Apostles, the abstinence of Our Lady, and the abstinence of Nativity. Fourth, he removed cheesefare week which is before the Great Fast and permitted meat to be eaten during it. Fifth, he removed zeon from the liturgy—that is, the hot water that the priest mixes with the Blood before communing. Sixth, he removed the invocation of the Holy Spirit [i.e., the Epiclesis] from the liturgy. Seventh, he shortened the Entrance and removed some prayers from the liturgy, disturbing the rite and rituals of the Rum from top to bottom.
He said that all these things are the idol of the Rum which prevents them from accepting the Roman faith. Here I must smash this idol and this is pure error on his part. First, because these things are ancient, received from the holy fathers. Second, the Roman Church does not permit the ancient rites and customs to be changed, but rather rejects novelty.
On account of this, a great schism and indescribable disturbance was created among the Rum of Sidon, Damascus and the villages and countries dependent on them. The majority were inclined toward the extensive change, especially the peasants, and they called Euthymius their prophet. The Rum were divided in many places into parties, some with him and some against him, some following the customs of the Latins and some following others’ customs, especially the Rum of Damascus, who went their different ways.
Truly, had this bishop called people to the Roman faith without changing rites and customs, he would have done a lot of good, been of more benefit, and returned to the holy Church many of his Rum community, for whom customs and rituals are at the level of religion.
When word the changes and substitutions that Euthymius had made in the rites and customs of the Rum reached the Holy Congregation [i.e., the Propaganda Fide] through the missionaries, it was not at all pleased. Indeed, it wrote him two or three times or more to restore what he had changed, but Euthymius refused and he did not obey the Apostolic See in what it commanded him. Instead, he said, “We obey the Apostolic See in matters of faith alone. As for matters of customs and rituals, we are not obliged to obey the Romans.” He erred in this to the point of heresy. He missed what the Apostles James said, “He who keeps the whole law but stumbles in one thing is guilty of the whole” [cf. James 2:10], for God wants obedience from us, not sacrifice [cf. 1 Samuel 15:22]. The error of the schismatics is none other than this: their lack of obedience to the Apostolic See. For this reason, Euthymius hated the missionaries very much, especially the Jesuits, because they rebuked him over this and disputed with him. As we see it, Euthymius brought the Rum out of schism by one route and returned them to it by another.
Nevertheless, when his death approached while he was in Damascus, he asked the missionaries to confess him, but none of them accepted his confession. Then he called a second time for the Jesuits, whom he hated on account of the truth. The zealous father Claudius Girine [? كلوديوس جيرين] went to him saying—as this missionary told me personally—“I have not accepted your confession because you oppose the command of the Apostolic See. If you obey, I will confess you.” That is, “Give me confirmation that if you live now, you will return the rites and customs of the Rum to how they had been at first, as the Apostolic See commanded you.” At that point, he declared his obedience to the command of the Roman Church and that honorable missionary father confessed him.
Then the holy reverend father, the Jesuit priest François-Louis Pousset [? فرنسيس لودويكوس بوسسي] also came and took his affirmation of the holy Roman faith a second time and communed him the body of our Lord Jesus Christ as a viaticum. He died as a true believer in 1723.
Wednesday, May 13, 2026
Phillip Stokes: A Multipolar Approach to Early Christian Arabic
Phillip W. Stokes, A Multipolar Approach to Early Christian Arabic: Vatican Arabic Ms 13 in the Linguistic Landscape of Early Islam (Cambridge: Faculty of Asian and Middle-Eastern Studies, 2026).
This volume offers the most comprehensive linguistic analysis to date of Vatican Arabic MS 13, a late 9th/early 10th-century Arabic Gospel manuscript. Combining meticulous quantitative study with wide-ranging comparative evidence, this book provides an in-depth examination of the manuscript's orthography, phonology, morphology, morpho-syntax, and syntax. Through extensive charts, tables, and multiple interpretive frameworks, the author illuminates how linguistic features pattern across every dimension relevant to accurate analysis.
Crucially, the study does not treat MS 13 in isolation. Its features are systematically compared with those of other Christian Arabic manuscripts, Quranic traditions, medieval Arabic registers, early poetry, and modern dialects. This contextualised approach situates the manuscript within the rich linguistic diversity of medieval Arabic and challenges long-standing assumptions about 'Middle Arabic' and 'Classical Arabic'. By demonstrating that many features of MS 13 align with broader scribal and linguistic practices of the period, the book makes a compelling case against the notion that scribes worked towards a single, unified register or variety. Rather, they drew creatively and pragmatically from a diverse repertoire of features and linguistic traditions, revealing a far more dynamic and multifaceted approach to written composition than previously recognised.
An outstanding and field-shaping contribution, this volume provides an essential model for future work on Christian Arabic, medieval Arabic varieties, and the history of Arabic more broadly.
Download this book in open-access here.
Monday, April 27, 2026
Radu Dipratu: The ʿarżuḥāls of Sylvester, Patriarch of Antioch
Radu Dipratu, "The ʿarżuḥāls of Sylvester, Patriarch of Antioch: Negotiating church affairs with the sublime porte in the first half of the 18th Century."
Abstract
While persecutions endured by non-Muslims under the “Turkish yoke” still represent a common trope both in the public perception and in certain academic circles in Orthodox-majority countries today, recent scholarly work has offered more nuanced approaches to the history of the Orthodox Churches under Ottoman rule. Making use of the rich information provided by Ottoman archival sources, this paper examines several unpublished documents from the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul, representing petitions (ʿarżuḥāl ) submitted by Sylvester, the Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch (1724–1766). It is no surprise that an important theme of these petitions concerned the conflict between the Orthodox and Catholic factions in Greater Syria, the latter being recently energised by the election of a separate patriarch in 1724, in the person of Cyril VI, and the establishment of an independent Melkite Greek Catholic Patriarchate. While previous studies have highlighted the crucial help that Sylvester received from the other Orthodox Patriarchs in Istanbul and Jerusalem in having his seat recognised by Ottoman authorities, the ʿarżuḥāls examined in this paper showcase Sylvester’s own agency in negotiating Church affairs with the Porte. Either demanding imperial commands to reinforce his election as patriarch or to prevent Orthodox Christians from converting to Catholicism and imprisoning his rivals, Sylvester made full use of his position in the Ottoman administrative apparatus by using state-sanctioned practices to solve inter-confessional struggles. The paper argues that the Ottoman Empire provided a legal and administrative framework in which Orthodox Churches were not merely compelled to function under duress, but one which they found advantageous and from which they sought legitimisation for their own factional struggles.
Read the entire article here.
Thursday, April 16, 2026
Fr Alexander Treiger: Patriarch Athanasius III of Alexandria's Arabic Encyclical Epistle (ca. 1300 AD)
Alexander Treiger, "Patriarch Athanasius III of Alexandria's Arabic Encyclical Epistle (ca. 1300 AD)," The Historical Reporter 53 (2025), 344-359.
Abstract:
The article presents, for the first time, an Arabic encyclical epistle by the Melkite Orthodox patriarch of Alexandria Athanasius III (sed. ca. 1275--ca. 1315), written during his exile in Constantinople. It is preserved in the unicum 14th century manuscript Sinai ar. 451 and is addressed to Athanasius III's locum tenens archbishop Peter (otherwise unknown). In this epistle, Patriarch Athanasius shares his views on the proper order of church life and seeks to correct certain problematic practices that had become widespread among Orthodox Christians in Egypt. Patriarch Athanasius' recommendations include the following: the liturgy is to be celebrated at the third hour (9am in modern time-reckoning), the antidoron should be handled in a proper fashion, hot water must be added into the chalice towards the end of the liturgy, it is forbidden to rent candles for use at the church or to use oil from the church lamps for worldly purposes, and some others. The epistle sheds light on both day-today life and liturgical practices of the Egyptian Melkites, on the progressive Byzantinization of their church services, and on their struggles under Mamlūk rule; it adds important details to the portrait of this outstanding Alexandrian hierarch. If earlier we knew him only as a church official of the era of Emperors Michael VIII and Andronicus II Palaiologos, as the author of an epistle to the Russian Church, and as a bibliophile, the epistle published herein allows us to see him as a pastor caring for his flock. The article includes a critical edition and English translation of this important treatise.
Download the article here.
Thursday, February 26, 2026
Monastic Literature in Early Islamic Palestine and Sinai: Manuscripts, Scribes, Translators, Authors, and Later Readers
The journal Comparative Oriental Manuscript Studies Bulletin has just released in open-access a special issue entitled Monastic Literature in Early Islamic Palestine and Sinai: Manuscripts, Scribes, Translators, Authors, and Later Readers with several articles of interest about early Orthodox literature in Arabic. The table of contents is as follows:
Monastic Literature in Early Islamic Palestine and Sinai: Manuscripts, Scribes, Translators, Authors, and Later Readers
ed. Adrian C. Pirtea
- pp. 7-14: Monastic Literature in Early Islamic Palestine and Sinai:
Studies on Manuscripts, Scribes, Translators, Authors, and Later
Readers. An Introduction (Adrian C. Pirtea)
DOI: 10.25592/uhhfdm.18346 - pp. 15-57: Building a Christian Arabic Library at Mount Sinai: The
Scribe Thomas of Fusṭāṭ and the Manuscripts of His Workshop (Peter
Tarras)
DOI: 10.25592/uhhfdm.18348 - pp. 59-89: Scribes, Owners, and their Multilingual Annotations in
the Byzantine Euchologia of Saint Catherine’s Monastery (Giulia
Rossetto)
DOI: 10.25592/uhhfdm.18350 - pp. 91-115: ‘Inhabiting the Word of the Other’: Linguistic
Hospitality, Early Christian Arabic Psalters, and the Functions of
Bilingual Manuscripts (Miriam L. Hjälm)
DOI: 10.25592/uhhfdm.18352 - pp. 117-139: From Greek into Arabic through a Syriac Intermediary: New Evidence from Palestinian Hagiography (André Binggeli)
DOI: 10.25592/uhhfdm.18354 - pp. 141-171: St Macarius the Great at Mar Saba: Melkite Syriac, Arabic and Georgian Translations of the Corpus Macarianum in Early Islamic Palestine and Sinai (Adrian C. Pirtea)
DOI: 10.25592/uhhfdm.18356 - pp. 173-208: A Ninth-Century Arabic Christian Refutation of the ‘Eternalists’: David of Damascus’ Homily on Palm Sunday (Alexander Treiger)
DOI: 10.25592/uhhfdm.18358
Download and read the articles here.
Monday, February 23, 2026
Ahmad al-Jallad: Echoes of Deuteronomy 6:5 in two Pre-Islamic Arabic inscriptions
Ahmad al-Jallad, "Echoes of Deuteronomy 6:5 in two Pre-Islamic Arabic inscriptions (Paleo-Arabic) from Northwest Arabia"
This contribution proposes that two Paleo-Arabic inscriptions from Northwest Arabia contain a rough rendering of Deuteronomy 6:5 (via Matthew 22:37/Luke 10:27), providing evidence for contact with Christianity in Arabia Deserta in the first century BH (before the Hiǧrah), awareness of the Bible, and indeed an effort to translate it idiomatically into the vernacular.
Read the entire article in pre-print here. This Arabic rendering of the "greatest commandment" seems to give some small hint of how Arabs were being evangelized in their own language immediately before Islam..